F.W de Klerk explains ANC ideology and comments on current SA politics.

de Klerk states:

It is unacceptable to sing songs calling for the shooting of anyone. It is unacceptable for Julius Malema to call whites criminals - and to add that their land should be seized without compensation. It is even more unacceptable for President Zuma to sit on the same platform, smiling, while Malema, as a key office bearer in the ANC, makes such racist comments.

It is unacceptable for Gugile Nkwinti, our Minister of Rural Development and Land Reform, to declare that all "colonial struggles are about two things: repossession of the land and the centrality of the indigenous population." He is actually saying that the colonial struggle is not yet over; whites are colonialists whose property must be seized; and only ‘indigenous' South Africans are central to our society. People from minority communities must presumably be content with a peripheral or second-class status.

It is unacceptable for the Judicial Services Commission to ignore unambiguous constitutional requirements regarding the manner in which it should be constituted - and then to refuse to fill vacancies on the Cape bench, despite the availability of eminently fit and proper candidates, simply because they happen to be white.

It is unacceptable for COSATU and the SACP to set as their mid-term vision the utterly unconstitutional goal of “worker hegemony in all sectors of the state and society.”

Can one imagine the outcry that would rightly ensue if a member of the United States government were to call for the re-establishment of the centrality of the white majority?
…
According to the ANC's Strategy and Tactics analysis, the establishment of our non-racial constitutional democracy in 1994 was not the end of the liberation struggle - but only a beach-head on the way to the ultimate goals of the revolution. The struggle has continued relentlessly since then - and it has been directed primarily against our constitutional accord.

The ANC's first priority after 1994 was to shift the balance of forces in its favour by seizing what it calls the levers of state power. These include "the legislatures, the executives, the public service, the security forces, the judiciary, parastatals, the public broadcaster, and so on." This was not just empty rhetoric. Using cadre deployment, the ANC has taken vigorous steps to take over - or to try to take over - all these institutions. In the process it is obliterating the constitutional borders between the party and the state; it is undermining the independence of key constitutional institutions and it is opening the way to large-scale corruption and government impunity.

The ultimate goal of the NDR is a ‘non-racial democracy' - in which all aspects of control, ownership, management and employment in the state, private and non-governmental sectors will broadly mirror the demographic composition of South Africa's population.

Like the communist ideal of the ‘classless society', the non-racial democracy has a superficial appeal - but is equally unattainable. In practice, demographic representivity would simply result in racial domination - what the ANC calls "African hegemony" - in every facet of the government, society and the economy.

To achieve its goal of eliminating what the ANC regards as "apartheid property relations" the NDR would require massive and forced redistribution of property and wealth from the white minority to the black majority. It would also require the disemployment of large numbers of people from minority communities.

Whites, Coloureds and Asians would be corralled into demographic pens in all aspects of their economic and professional lives according to the percentage of the population they represent. The prospects of South African citizens would once again be determined by the colour of their skins - and not by their skills, their contribution to the economy or by what Martin Luther King called the content of their character.

Malema's inflammatory rhetoric, Gugile Nkwinti's land reform proposals, cadre deployment, the failure of municipalities and government departments - can be traced back, directly or indirectly, to the NDR's corrosive and unconstitutional ideology.

The 1992 Referendum.

In 1992 white people in South Africa took part in a referendum.

The question was whether they were happy with the negotiations President F.W de Klerk and his government had entered into with the ANC, in order to negotiate a peaceful transition of power and a new constitution.

The overwhelming majority of whites voted 'YES', almost 70%.

If there was a 'NO' vote, F.W de Klerk stated he would resign as President and negotiations would end.
Even though Apartheid ended in 1991, this would mean that white-majority rule would continue.
The majority of whites voluntarily voted against this option.

"This is the true birthday of a new South Africa…today we have closed the book on Apartheid," FW de Klerk, 18 March 1992.

But strangely enough this little detail seems to be omitted when mentioning the ending of Apartheid.
Since this was the pivotal moment which ended it.

F.W de Klerk has stated in his autobiography that Apartheid still had every means of continuing.
According to him, the township riots and ANC terrorism had not been a factor in his decision, nor had international sanctions.

His reasoning for deciding to hand over power was that the Soviet Union had collapsed and as a result the ANC and Communist Party would no longer have the financial and military support to create a Socialist or Communist regime.

He has since said in an interview that if he had not made the initiative to negotiate, then the system would probably still be in place today.

The reason the 1992 referendum is somehow never mentioned is because it doesn't fit into the story and myth the international community and the ANC supporters had quite hoped for.
A voluntarily handing-over of power gives little credit to local resistance and is not as dramatic a story to cover in popular media and repeat in history lessons.

Instead, the chosen tale is one where an army of liberation fighters waged a war against the government, bringing it to it's knees and forcing it to 'surrender'.

For the international media, the story of having South African whites being responsible for ending Apartheid is simply not acceptable and wasn't supposed to be part of the script.

But today, the ANC cannot even admit to having waged a 'war' against the government, instead they have to settle with the word 'struggle'.

The myth of how Apartheid ended goes perfectly with the Myth of the Rainbow nation.
Today, it does not exist, but it keeps the conscience of the international media and the world at peace.

South Africa is now a violent country divided by race and racial paranoia and where hate speech is openly preached by the government against whites.
For them to admit that they have supported a transition to a lawless and corrupt racist society, which now stands as the murder and rape capital of the world would be to admit they were wrong.

White people are now rated by Genocide Watch as being listed a 6 out of 8 on the Genocide scale.

But at the end of the day, it doesn't matter.

The world got what they wanted.
The brief images of Mandela wearing the green Springbok jersey in the 1995 Rugby World Cup, surrounded by a stadium of all races genuinely cheering him on and optimistic about a new future.

A future that could have been.