(Excerpts from
The New American)
Monday, 02 March,
1987
South Africa: The Questions That Need to Be Asked
Written by Warren L. McFerran
The issue of South Africa is of concern
to everyone, not just South Africans. Indeed, according to
former British Foreign Secretary David Owen, it is over this issue
"that the world faces its greatest challenge." Faced with
such a challenge, it is time for all concerned Americans to penetrate
the haze of myths and misconceptions that has been deliberately
created.
Unless we wish to see a repetition of
the recent tragedies of Iran, Nicaragua, and Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) —
where U.S. foreign policy decisions resulted in the replacement of
friendly governments with anti-American, pro-Soviet regimes — we
must seek out the truth by raising pertinent questions and obtaining
factual answers. In light of the Free World's hostility toward South
Africa, a good place to begin is by raising a very fundamental and
simple question.
How economically advanced and
technologically sophisticated is South Africa?
In stark contrast
with all the other nations of the African continent, the Republic of
South Africa is an economic and technological success story.
According to a study made by the United Nations, South Africa is one
of the few "developed" nations in the world and the only
one on the continent of Africa.
Occupying only about 3.5 percent of
the surface of Africa, South Africa produces 66 percent of the
continent's steel, 54 percent of its wool, and 36 percent of its
maize. She also provides 40 percent of the continent's industrial
output and 45 percent of its mining output, has 29 percent of its
railway lines and 46 percent of its passenger and commercial
vehicles, and consumes 60 percent of its electricity.
Modern, interprovincial, four-lane
superhighways stretch across the country. Cars, televisions, radios,
and all the other conveniences of modern life are to be found in
South Africa. Computers are made there, the world's first successful
human heart transplant was performed there, and a method of enriching
uranium was discovered there.
That country has overcome threatened
oil embargoes by developing a process of manufacturing oil from coal,
and she has also successfully overcome an arms embargo by developing
her own armaments industry.
Many of the other countries on the
continent as far north as Zaire are heavily dependent upon the South
African economy. Not only do more than one million foreign Black
Africans find employment in that country, but most of the Black-ruled
nations in southern Africa are almost totally dependent on South
Africa for such basic needs as transportation and electricity. In
fact, it has been said that, with a flip of a switch, South Africa
could plunge the rest of southern Africa into darkness.
How important is South Africa to the
Free World?
Two years later, the U.S. Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations issued a report on the U.S. mineral
dependence on South Africa:
The Western industrial world depends
heavily on Southern Africa for chrome, manganese, vanadium and
platinum. A major disruption in the supply of these minerals would
have a disastrous impact on oil refining and the production of a
variety of specialty steels needed in such industries as aerospace
and machine tools....
The U.S. is almost completely dependent on
imports of chromium, manganese, and platinum.... It is particularly
dependent on South Africa for imports of chrome and ferrochrome and
platinum.
South Africa contains the world's
largest known deposits of gold, platinum, chrome, manganese,
vanadium, and fluorspar. It also contains substantial deposits of
antimony, asbestos, coal, copper, diamonds, iron ore, lead,
limestone, mica, nickel, phosphates, titanium, uranium, vermiculite,
zinc, and zirconium. Nevertheless, even if we completely ignore the
fact that South Africa is a mineral treasure house, that country is
still strategically important to the West due to her geographic
position.
What is apartheid and why was it
adopted?
South Africa is home to approximately 30 million people,
including about five million Whites, at least 20 million Blacks
(Bantu), and nearly 4 million Coloreds (mixed race) and Indians
(Asians). That country is not really one nation, but is in fact many
nations, each possessing its own language, cultural heritage, and
loyalties.
Even among the Whites, two languages are spoken —
English and a unique language derived from Dutch known as Afrikaans.
The Coloreds speak either English or Afrikaans, or both. Among the
Asians, 65 percent are Hindus, 21 percent are Muslims, 7 percent are
Christians and Buddhists, and 7 percent are officially classified as
"other."
Yet the greatest tribal and cultural
diversity is among the Bantu. Blacks are divided into ten major
tribes, each loyal to itself and jealous of the others. Within the
major tribes are sub-tribal groupings and clan divisions. The Venda,
for instance, are South Africa's most homogenous Bantu tribal group;
yet they are really an amalgamation of 27 different tribes. Among the
Zulu, on the other hand, there are 200 distinct tribes. The Bantu
languages can be divided into four main groups, 23 sub-groups, and
numerous local dialects.
The philosopher John Stewart Mill
observed early in the 19th century: "Free institutions are next
to impossible in a country made of different nationalities. Among a
people without fellow feelings, especially if they read and write
different languages, the united public opinion, necessary to the
working of representative government, cannot exist."
Instead of trying to create a great
unitary state from the diverse elements within its borders, South
Africa adopted in 1948 the policy of apartheid — or more properly,
Separate Development — whereby each major population group was
recognized as a nation entitled to develop its own political and
social institutions separate from the others.
According to this
policy, each of South Africa's ten major Bantu homelands would evolve
into a self-governing, independent, democratic sovereign state.
In October 1976, the Republic of
Transkei received its independence from South Africa, thereby
becoming the first Bantu homeland to achieve sovereign status. The
second Bantu homeland to receive its independence was the Republic of
Bophuthatswana, which became autonomous in December 1977. The
Republic of Venda became sovereign in September 1979; and, in
December 1981, the Republic of Ciskei was born.
Although the rest of the world refuses
to recognize these sovereign Bantu states, as of January 1987 there
were six other Bantu homelands awaiting their turn for complete
self-government: the National State of Gazankulu, the National State
of Kangwane, the National State of Kwandebele, the National State of
Kwazulu, the National State of Lebowa, and the National State of
Qwaqwa.
Have Blacks enjoyed the fruits of South
Africa's prosperity?
Because South Africa is a "meeting
place" between the First World and the Third World economies, it
is not surprising that a gap exists between Black and White standards
of living.
What is surprising to many, however, is that the gap has
narrowed substantially: From 1971-1980, the real income of Blacks
increased by 40 percent while that of Whites actually decreased by
three percent.
Even South Africa's most severe critics
will acknowledge that the country offers Blacks greater opportunities
than does any other nation on the continent. As a consequence,
millions of alien Blacks seek to enter South Africa every year,
legally or illegally -- in sharp contrast with conditions in
Communist-held lands such as East Berlin, where a wall has been
erected to prevent people from escaping.
Statistics released on March 28, 1980
gave a good indication of the Bantu lifestyle in the South Western
Township (Soweto) near Johannesburg, where more than one million
Blacks reside. The report revealed that Soweto had more than 1,600
Black-owned businesses, 300 churches, 314 schools, 115 soccer fields,
81 basketball courts, 39 children's playgrounds, 4 soccer stadiums, 6
public swimming pools, 5 bowling alleys, 11 post offices, 6
libraries, 63 day-care centers, and 2 golf courses.
According to statistics released in
February 1984, one out of every three South African Blacks owns a
refrigerator; 20.2 percent of the Bantu own automobiles, 11.8 percent
own color televisions; 5.4 percent own washing machines; and 2.7
percent own freezers. These percentages are not high compared to the
standard of living that we enjoy in the U.S., but they are high
compared to the primitive conditions that exist elsewhere on the
African continent.
One of the best yardsticks for
measuring the standard of living is the percentage of income that has
to be devoted to the most essential item of all, food. Generally, the
higher this percentage, the lower the standard of living. According
to the 1984 report, South African Blacks spend an average of 45.1
percent of their household budget on food, which is virtually the
same percentage that goes to food among the wage earners of Italy. In
fact, South African Blacks spend a smaller percentage of their
household income on food than do the populations of any other African
country where comparisons were possible. (In many African countries
comparisons were not possible because as little as six percent of the
populations were employed in wage-earning jobs.)
How does South Africa's human rights
record compare with the record for the rest of Africa?
South
Africa's State President Pieter W. Botha recently issued this
challenge to the world: "It is the big lie that a Black
government in Africa is, of necessity, a majority government. I
challenge the world to contradict me. It is a sad fact that only a
minute percentage of Blacks in Africa have obtained democracy,
liberty and justice."
Strife, famine, anarchy, and civil war
are the hallmarks of Black Africa, and racism against non-Blacks is
widely encouraged and institutionalized. Article 27 of the Liberian
Constitution, for instance, declares that "only persons who are
Negro or of Negro descent shall qualify by birth or by naturalization
to be citizens of Liberia."
Free elections in the countries north
of South Africa are non-existent, and the usual mode of changing
governments in Black-ruled Africa is through violent revolution. In
some cases, the deposed ruler is actually cooked and eaten by
cannibals. A case in point is Major General Ironyi of Nigeria, who
was actually eaten by the victorious tribe following his overthrow.
Toward the end of 1985, the Catholic
daily Munno reported on conditions in Uganda: "The
soldiers are once again on the rampage, shooting and knifing
civilians, abducting women and young girls and taking turns to rape
them." According to Amnesty International, atrocities in Uganda
routinely involve raping women and "crushing or pulling
testicles of men."
The Republic of South Africa has by far
the best human rights record on the African continent. Yet the "human
rights" zealots in the Free World have chosen to ignore glaring
abuses of real human rights in the rest of Africa and have
concentrated on South Africa. As a result of this persistent
criticism and pressure, the South African Government has resolved to
abolish apartheid.
Is the internal reform process
real?
The South African people have often reminded the world that
they are an independent, sovereign nation, asserting that their sins,
whatever they may be, are not ours. Yet they are also sensitive to
Free World criticism, and they have accordingly dismantled the most
objectionable laws that have become associated with the concept of
Separate Development (apartheid), including pass laws, laws
forbidding interracial marriage, and restrictive housing laws. In
recent times, nearly every phase of South African life has been
integrated, from the work place to the sports stadium.
The first major constitutional step
toward a form of "power sharing" was made in 1984 with the
adoption of a new Constitution. This "New Dispensation"
provided for a tricameral legislature, with Whites, Coloreds, and
Asians each having their own house of parliament. Although not yet
finalized, plans are currently being made to include Blacks in the
evolving federation structure.
The reform program in South Africa is
certainly genuine. But it has also made South Africa vulnerable to
attack. The philosopher Alexis de Tocqueville once observed:
"Experience shows that the most dangerous moment for a bad
government is usually that point at which it begins to reform
itself." This is also true for good governments, when they
undergo reform in the face of charges and accusations that they are
"bad" governments. Such a government undergoing reform in
response to pressure and coercion is vulnerable because its action is
widely perceived as a sign of weakness and as an admission of past
wrong-doing.
Not only has the Free World utilized South Africa's
reform process as the means to increase coercive tactics, but
internal subversive groups have seized the opportunity to launch an
unprecedented and bloody wave of revolution within South Africa.
Does the Soviet Union have designs on
South Africa?
Leonid Brezhnev stated in 1973: "Our aim is to
gain control of the two great treasure houses on which the West
depends — the energy treasure house of the Persian Gulf and the
minerals treasure house of central and southern Africa.".
Not only are the Soviets moving rapidly
to surround the strategic Middle East, but they are also moving
rapidly to conquer all of southern Africa. Angola, Mozambique, and
Zimbabwe are already in the hands of puppet dictators loyal to World
Communism. There are also numerous Communist-bloc combat troops
stationed in southern Africa, including some 40,000 Cuban troops in
Angola alone. As a consequence of these ominous developments, South
Africa finds herself completely flanked by hostile Marxist states,
and the final battle for the control of southern Africa has already
begun.
What are the main anti-apartheid
revolutionary groups in South Africa, and who are their leaders?
Of
the many revolutionary groups operating against the Republic of South
Africa, two predominate — the African National Congress (ANC) and
the United Democratic Front (UDF).
Although the original purpose of the
ANC, which was founded in 1912, is rather obscure, ample
documentation exists proving that it is now totally dominated and
controlled by the South African Communist Party (SACP), which in turn
is controlled by the Kremlin. In his official history of the South
African Communist Party, Michael Harmel, writing under the pseudonym
A. Lerumo, stated:
Today the ANC has been so thoroughly
infiltrated and taken over by the SACP that the two are virtually
synonymous.... Joint planning by the USSR, ANC and SACP of the
strategy to be used against South Africa is coordinated in Moscow
where there has recently been increasing pressure on the ANC to
provide proof that it is capable of "intensifying the struggle."
In November 1982, the U.S. Senate
Subcommittee on Security and Terrorism issued a report,
entitled Soviet, East German andCuban Involvement in Fomenting
Terrorism in Southern Africa. Among those who testified before the
Subcommittee was Bartholomew Hlapane, a former member of the Central
Committee of the SACP and of the National Executive Committee of the
ANC. Hlapane, it should be noted, paid with his life for daring to
tell the truth about the African National Congress.
Shortly after
giving his testimony before the Subcommittee, he was gunned down by
an ANC assassin armed with a Soviet AK-47 assault rifle.
Hlapane testified: "No major
decision could be taken by the ANC without the concurrence and
approval of the Central Committee of the SACP. Most major
developments were in fact initiated by the Central Committee."
He added: "The military wing of the ANC, also known as Umkhonto
we Sizwe, was the brainchild of the SACP, and, after the decision to
create it had been taken, Joe Slovo and J. B. Marks were sent by the
Central Committee of the SACP to Moscow to organize arms and
ammunition and to raise funds forUmkhonto we Sizwe." Joe Slovo,
a White South African and a Colonel in the Soviet KGB, is a member of
the National Executive Committee of the ANC and of the Central
Committee of the SACP.
The acting head of the ANC is Oliver
Tambo, who has repeatedly promised death and violence for South
Africa. Tambo
has also attended official meetings of various Communist Parties
around the world, and has even addressed some of those meetings to
praise the goals of the world Communist movement.
At the 60th anniversary celebration of
the South African Communist Party, held on July 30, 1981, Tambo
stated: "Members of the ANC fully understand why both the ANC
and the SACP are two hands in the same body, why they are two pillars
of our revolution."
Of course, the symbolic leader and
"martyr" of the ANC is Nelson Mandela, who has been serving
a life sentence in prison since 1964 for plotting the violent
overthrow of the South African Government. When brought to trial in
1964, Mandela confessed to writing books "on guerrilla warfare
and military training" and admitted that he "planned
violence." Placed in evidence at the trial were documents in his
own handwriting bearing such titles as Dialectical
Materialism and How To Be A Good Communist.
In one document, Mandela wrote: "As
in Cuba, the general uprising must be sparked off by organized and
well-prepared guerrilla operations...." In another, he wrote:
"We Communist Party members are the most advanced
revolutionaries in modern history...." And in still another:
"The people of South Africa, led by the South African Communist
Party, will destroy capitalist society and build in its place
socialism...."
For the past few years, the South
African Government has offered to release Nelson Mandela if only he
would pledge to refrain from violence. Mandela has thus far refused
to take that pledge. While he stays in prison, by his own choice, his
wife Winnie serves as his mouthpiece and carries on with his
revolutionary work.
What are these anti-apartheid
revolutionary groups fighting for?
What the anti-apartheid
revolutionary groups claim they are fighting against has
always been far better understood than what they are fighting for.
To clarify their position, the subversive groups formed the Congress
of the People, which convened at Klipton, near Johannesburg, to adopt
a so-called Freedom Charter on June 25 and 26, 1955.
This Freedom Charter is still officially endorsed by the
ANC and the UDF, and therefore offers further insight into the nature
of the internal South Africa revolution.
The Freedom Charter promised
a utopia for South Africa: "The People Shall Share the Country's
Wealth!" "There Shall Be Work and Security!" "There
Shall Be Houses, Security and Comfort!" "There Shall Be
Peace and Friendship!" The method of bringing this worker's
paradise to South Africa was spelled out in detail.
"The
national wealth of our country, the heritage of all South Africans,
shall be restored to the people," by confiscation. "The
mineral wealth beneath the soil, the banks and monopoly industries
shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole,"
as Karl Marx advocated.
"All other industry and trade shall be
controlled to assist the well-being of the people," as the basic
tenets of scientific socialism dictate.
This Freedom Charter sounds
as if it had been written by Communists because it was written
by Communists. In testimony before the U.S. Subcommittee on Security
and Terrorism, former ANC and SACP executive member Bartholomew
Hlapane said: "It is a document I came to know about, just
having been drafted by Joe Slovo at the request of the Central
Committee and finally approved by the Central Committee of the
Communist Party."
By what methods are the anti-apartheid
groups "liberating" the South African people?
The
revolutionary forces of "national liberation" within South
Africa are trying to "liberate" the non-White peoples by
waging a systematic campaign of terrorism in the Black townships and
by murdering the very peoples they claim to be liberating.
Dominating
the scene in that country are assassinations and intimidation of
Black policemen and democratically-elected local Black officials,
firebombings of Black-owned businesses, boycotts and strikes enforced
by coercion, calls for nonpayment of rent, and the establishment of
revolutionary Marxist "People's Committees" and "People's
Courts." The struggle is not Black versus White, but Black and
White versus Red.
Black-on-Black civil war has gripped
virtually every Black community in South Africa. At Crossroads, near
Cape Town, decent Blacks have organized "vigilante" groups
to defend themselves from crazed ANC-UDF mobs, and thousands of homes
have been burned in pitched battles, leaving some 200,000 Blacks
homeless.
In Durban, Zulu Chief Gatsha Buthelezi's Inkatha members
are openly battling the ANC-UDF Marxist "comrades."
And in
Soweto, one resident recently told a Newsweek reporter that
"Soweto is in a state of civil war. It's no longer news to wake
up in the morning and see bodies in the streets and the front yards."
It was in response to the breakdown of law and order, in fact, that
the South African government imposed a state of national emergency.
Especially significant is the growing
number of public executions of decent, moderate Blacks with the
technique of "necklacing." This technique calls for ANC-UDF
radicals to place a rubber tire around a shackled victim's neck. The
tire is then filled with gasoline and set on fire. As the victim is
engulfed in flames, the radicals gather around to taunt him with a
callousness that defies human understanding. Necklacing is a savage form of torture
and murder. Yet, Winnie Mandela has boldly proclaimed: "With our
boxes of matches and our necklaces, we shall liberate this country."
Whose side is our government on?
There was indeed an "Orwellian
perversity" in the Anti-Apartheid Act, the official name of the
1986 sanctions bill. Among other things, the law called for U.S.
funding of anti-apartheid South African groups; termination of U.S.
military cooperation with South Africa; pressure on Western allies to
apply similar punitive measures; the "unbanning" of
terrorist organizations such as the ANC; and the release of all
"political prisoners," with Nelson Mandela mentioned by
name.
In his remarks on the Senate floor in
opposition to the sanctions bill, Senator Jesse Helms noted that the
measure "is not about segregation. It is not about the sharing
of power, it is about the transfer of power ... to a small minority
elite. That elite is the Communist Party of South Africa." Helms
continued:
The intent of the new legislation is to
recognize the Communist movement of South Africa as the legitimate
and preferred successor to the present government of South Africa.
The bill itself gives preference in almost every respect only to
those opponents of the government and those groups that are deeply
committed to the Communist Party of South Africa, an organization
funded and controlled by the Soviet Union. The non-Communist leaders
of the Blacks and non-Whites are treated as though they do not exist.
The Senator from North Carolina asked:
"Why is it that the only persons mentioned by name in the bill
are Communists? Why is it that the only parties referenced are
precisely those parties which are under the total control and support
of the international Communist movement?" Helms summarized the
matter by stating frankly that the measure "is a bill for
Communist rule" in the Republic of South Africa.
How do the facts add up?
South
Africa is a close friend and time-tested ally of the United States
and, because of her geographic position and valuable mineral
deposits, is strategically important to the survival of the Free
World.
South Africa has by far the best human rights record on the
African continent. It is undergoing a genuine reform process, a
process that has rendered that country more vulnerable to internal
and external attack.
The Republic of South Africa is under
attack by subversive forces that are clearly under the total control
of Moscow.
Those revolutionary forces are torturing and murdering the
very peoples they claim to be liberating. Most important of all is
the incontrovertible fact that our government is supporting those
revolutionary forces.