(Article from Vancouver Sun)
Nelson Mandela’s African National
Congress becomes the disease, not the cure
By Jonathan Manthorpe, Vancouver Sun
columnist October 16, 2012
South Africa seems no longer able to contain the contradictions and frustrated expectations that have been swept under the carpet since the country’s first freely elected government came to power in 1994.
With new elections due in 2014, there
is increasingly evident public anger at the governing African
National Congress (ANC) — the party of liberation from apartheid
and white minority rule — over its failure to meet its pledge to
provide a better life for all.
Instead, the ANC has become a deeply
corrupt party of cronyism and patronage. Indeed, holding ANC
positions in governments at all levels has become such a sure route
to wealth that aspirants will murder to get them.
Last week, Reuters news agency
reported that an internal ANC report states that in KwaZulu Natal —
the largest of South Africa’s nine provinces and the home base of
President Jacob Zuma — 38 party members have been murdered since
February last year in fights for lucrative positions.
There are similar murderous contests
among ANC members all over the country.
The spoils are enormous.
A potent image of the benefits of
power now enraging many South Africans is that the equivalent of $27
million of government money is being spent on renovations to
President Zuma’s private KwaZulu Natal home.
An auditor’s report from another
major province, the Eastern Cape, in 2009 found three quarters of
all government contracts went to companies owned by government
officials or their relatives.
A report by the national Auditor
General last year found 95 per cent of all municipal governments
could not account for their spending.
Yet while South Africa has acquired
this hugely wealthy and arrogant black aristocracy — and one of
the widest disparities between rich and poor anywhere in the world —
most of the country’s 50 million people live in the conditions of
extreme poverty that marked the era of apartheid.
Despite a lot of talk and some
accomplishments involving improved housing and social services, most
South Africans continue to live in tin shacks without running water
or electricity.
The health care system is a nightmare,
and the school system is incapable of producing talent. The
unemployment rate among young people is over 50 per cent.
By some estimates, about 65 per cent
of South Africans live at what the United Nations calls levels of
extreme poverty, even though this is the largest and most
sophisticated economy in Africa.
And as has been seen in the last two
months, even those with jobs often cannot make ends meet.
The strike at Lonmin’s platinum mine
at Marikana in August by miners demanding a living wage has spurred
a wave of wildcat strikes involving at least 100,000 miners across
South Africa’s essential ore extraction industry.
The grimly compelling images from the
Marikana strike were straight out of the worst years of apartheid,
with police lobbing volleys of rifle fire on the strikers, killing
34.
The violence has continued, and the
strikes have spread to the trucking industry and among municipal
workers.
Predictions that South Africa belongs
with Brazil, Russia, India and China as a future economic power are
being re-thought fast.
The lack of response to the Marikana
massacre by President Zuma and his government has reinforced his
image as an ineffectual leader of an administration concerned only
with its own bank accounts and assets.
Zuma, who came to the ANC leadership
and the presidency in 2009, has been under attack from within the
party for some time.
Most evident has been his very public
fight with the radical former leader of the ANC Youth, Julius
Malema.
Since his expulsion from the party,
Malema has set up his own youth league, and his brand of direct
activism — such as the forced expropriation of the remaining
white-owned farms — assures him a strong following among young ANC
members.
But Malema — who at 31 has acquired
a substantial real estate empire, wears lots of gold, drives opulent
cars and likes to drink expensive Scotch — is hardly a poster boy
for reform of the ANC.
Neither are the other challengers to
Zuma’s leadership who are quietly but purposefully lining up ahead
of the ANC’s national meeting early in December, when its
presidential candidate for the 2014 national election will be
chosen.
Chief among them is the current Deputy
President, Kgalema Motlanthe, 63.
He has good credentials for an ANC
leader. He spent 10 years in Robben Island prison with Nelson
Mandela after being convicted of membership in the ANC’s armed
wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe.
But while Motlanthe is behaving like a
man who is a candidate, he has not come out and said so.
Also, he is just as much a member of
the ANC’s corrupt ruling class as is Zuma.
Already some of the ANC branches in
the smaller provinces have chosen to back Motlanthe at the December
conference to be held at Mangaung near Bloemfontein.
But it will be the brigades of
delegates from the big provinces that decide the issue, and for the
moment it is likely that Zuma will get a second term as president.
What seems unlikely is that South
Africa will get a second crack at the promise of renewal made 20
years ago.
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